Dear Mr Fredrickson, .PP In my recent letter to you, I neglected to adress the issue of the responsiveness of the Supreme Court to the popular mood of the moment. It is an issue which I myself had brought up. The writings of Immanuel Kant, if I interpret them correctly, reflect the convictions of the 18th centurys concerning which were shared also by the founding fathers, the notion that justice is rational, that it is moral, and that it is universal. The function of the judge would be to fashion a judgment about earthly foibles so as to reconcile them in as complete a manner as possible with the transcendental ideal. As I explained to you in my recent letter, I no longer subscribe to that belief. I think that the administration of justice is political theatre which places inordinate power over our lives in the hands of the actors, the judges. I am distrustful of power. A Supreme Court which is a little bit afraid of the New York Times and of the Wall Street Journal and is sensitive to election returns, is less likely to tyrannize us; and for my part, I am perfectly satisfied that the Chief Justice should not descend from the summit of some Blue Ridge mountaintop bearing stone tablets with inscriptions that he claimed were dictated to him by God, or for all I know, written by God himself. .PP Religious inspiration does, however, in my judgment, have its place in the making of the laws by Congress and those of us who cast votes. The text on which I think we had better rely is in the fourth chapter of Genesis, at verse 9: And the Lord said unto Cain, Where is Abel thy brother? And he said, I know not: Am I my brother's keeper? And he said, What hast thou done? The voice of thy brother's blood crieth unto me from the ground. I quote this, because our contemporary politicians consistently aver that we are *not* our brothers' keepers, and then they flaunt before us the mark of Cain, which they wear, confident that it will assure them of reelection. And it is sad that they are right. .PP It seems to me of little consequence, whether the laws are made in Washington or in the state capital, Boston or Austin or wherever it may be. What matters is whether the laws are good laws and whether they are applied efficiently and fairly. Since we are one country there is also much advantage in having laws that are uniform over all fifty states. .PP We are fortunate that such pervasive criticism of government is permitted to us, but I think that our criticism should be clear, defined, and responsible. The pertinent issues are: 1) the function of government, 2) the size of government, 3) the efficiency of government, 4) the intrusiveness of government, 5) the integrity of government, 6) the effectiveness of government, and 7) the scope of government, whether regional or national.